«М57 МИГРАЦИОННЫЕ МОСТЫ В ЕВРАЗИИ: Сборник докладов и материалов участников II международной научно-практической кон- ференции Регулируемая миграция – реальный путь сотрудничества ...»
2. Migratory Flows to So Paulo These characteristics are very different from those found in other regions, especially in So Paulo, state of the largest contingent of Bolivian immigrants in Brazil. These immigrants used to be in general, groups from the Bolivian high plains and some rural areas.
A large number of illegal immigrants started working in textile industries, owned by Koreans. In those factories, they were explored and lived in very bad life conditions (some researchers compare their situations as the life at senzalas – places where the slaves in Brazil used to live at the plantations before the liberation of slavery in the end of the 19th Century). They used to work 16 hours per day and live at the factories and they were forbidden to go out without permission. Besides, they had a quota of diary individual production (70 pieces of textile) – the salary was approximately the minimum wage. Even in these conditions, they avoided to claim for the authorities because they were afraid to be deported – they used to say that their situation was better than their lives in Bolivia before, especially because of the wage.
In this context, according to Heloisa Mazzocante (2008)4, Brazil adopted in the 70’s many discriminatory acts which increased the restriction of entry of immigrants, especially those without special or specific professional skills, and of course the poorer share of the immigrants. Difficulties to obtain legal documentation and economic and social disadvantages were included in these conditions5.
3. Recent changes – New Agreements From 1992, the Brazilian government was notice about the bad conditions those immigrants were living and working in Brazil, especially in those cases they treated as slaves in the factories in So Paulo (Brazilian press had a great importance on it).
After that, in the recent years, the National Council for Immigration (Conselho Nacional de Imigrao) created many resolutions in order to stimulate specialized workers to come to Brazil to various sectors of the economy (like scientists, high level technicians, investors and others). The selection criteria became a regulatory model for all other immigrants from other nations.
In 1998 the Brazilian government regularized most of the foreigners living in the country allowing them to become legal workers. Thus, the government tried to stop the use of labour in illegal situation like in the textile industries. From that moment, all of them were able to work legally and have all the regular benefits of the labour legislation of Brazil. However, new waves of illegal immigration continued coming to the country, even considering that the Bolivians have the same social protection rights previewed in our Constitution.
In 2005, a bilateral Agreement was signed by Brazil and Bolivia in order to guarantee, after the process of regularization of the immigrants, a permanent visa to those who were already living in Brazil (and vice-versa). After that, in 2009, another Agreement was signed by the Mercosur countries plus Bolivia and Paraguai (Acordo de Livre Residncia para os Nacionais dos Estados Partes do MERCOSUL plus Bolvia e Chile) allowing fixing residence and working permission to all citizens with no other requirement but their own nationality. This Agreement observes enormous advances in labour (equality in terms of labour legislations to the citizens Mazzoccante, Heloisa - Estado Nacional e Migrao Bolvia - Brasil: categorizao e recategorizao da populao migrante. Vol. 2, N 2, Jul-Dez 2008.
These changes were due to the rapid increase of immigration to Brazil as a result of the impressive economic growth of the Country in these years.
of those countries) and educational (equality in the access conditions to the educational institutions in those countries) fields.
Those advances, however, were not enough to change the situation of most of the immigrants in Brazil, especially in So Paulo. There are still around 150. illegal Bolivian immigrants in So Paulo (and only approximately 50.000 legal Bolivians in our whole country). The reasons for that situation have to be better clarified but one thing is already well known: most of them simply don’t know about the legislation and, more than that, are always afraid to be hired from the factors they use to work.
(a) Immigration flows to Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo are very different in terms os historical and characteristics of the immigrants. In Rio de Janeiro the process is clearly associated to political events in Bolivia that led to the expulsion of citizens – most of them part of the elite sectors of the country. In So Paulo, the main factor of attraction of the immigration was the supply of jobs and, in this case, to the poorer share of that population;
(b) Even considering the recent advances of the immigration legislation in Brazil and, broadly speaking, in Mercosur, most of the immigrations still remain in a precarious situation and working and living illegally in Brazil.
5. BibliographyARZE, Ren (1986) – Guerra y Conflictos Sociales. El caso rural de Bolivia en la Campaa del Chaco. Lima, IEP.
CARDOSO, Eliana e Helwege, Ann (1993) – A Economa da Amrica Latina. Rio de Janeiro, Editora tica.
MAINGUENEAU, D. Dicionrio de Anlise do Discurso.
So Paulo: Contexto, 2004.
DELER, J.P. e Saint-Geours, Y.1986) – Estados y Naciones en los Andes. Lima, IEP.
FARRAGUT, Castro (1963) – La reforma agraria boliviana. OEA.
GARCIA, Antonio (1965)- La reforma agraria y el desarrollo social. Mexico,FCE.
FUSCO, Wilson ;
Souchaud, Sylvain (2009)« Unies exogmicas dos imigrantes bolivianos na fronteira do Brasil », Travessia (22), So Paulo, CEM, pp. 32-38.
MEJA FERNANDEZ, M.( s/d) -El problema del trabajo forzado en Amrica latina. Mexico,UNAM.
NEISWANGER, W.A. e Nelson, J.(1995) – Problemas econmicos de Amrica Latina. Mexico,FCE.
PLA, Alberto (1980) – Amrica Latina – Siglo XX. Caracas, Universidad Central de Venezuela.
SOUCHAUD, Sylvain ;
Baeninger, Rosana (2010) « Etudier les liens entre les migrations intrieures et internationales en suivant les trajectoires migratoires des Boliviens au Brsil », Revue Europenne des Migrations Internationales, 25 (1), Poitiers, CNRS, pp. 195-213.
SAHLINS, Marshall ( 2000). Ilhas de Histria. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar.
SAYAD, Abdelmalek ( 1998). A imigrao ou os paradoxos da alteridade. So Paulo: Edusp.
SILVA, Sidney (2005)A Migrao dos smbolos. Dilogo e processos identitrios entre os bolivianos em So Paulo. So Paulo em Perspectiva, jul/set 2005, v.19, n 3, p. 77-83.
Bolivianos: a presena da cultura andina. So Paulo:
Companhia Editora Nacional, 2005.
VELHO, Gilberto e VIVEIROS DE CASTRO, Eduardo (1981). “O Conceito de Cultura e o estudo de Sociedades Complexas” In: Espao cadernos de Cultura USU. 2(2), 1980.
Individualismo e cultura. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1981.
BOLIVIAN TRANSNATIONAL LABOR MIGRATION
TO ARGENTINA1. Introduction Bolivian migration to Argentina dates from the mid-19th Century, when these Republics became independent. According to the characteristics of the flows arrived in the last 20 yearsn it can be considered a transnational labor migration. Pedreo Cnovas (2005) argues that the condition of contemporaneous migrants must be understood in the context of the social fragmentation of advanced capitalist societies, which is characterized by a decrease of integrated people and an increase of vulnerable and excluded sectors.
According to hierarchies based in the intersection of various differences:
ethnic, cultural, of class, of race, of generation, of gender, of migration condition, of nationality (Anthias, 2006), certain people who pass through interstate borders are defined as labor immigrants (Silverstein, 2006). Within the context of the progressive flexibility of production and the precarization of work, labor immigrants are defined as the “more appropriate” ones for certain jobs. This naturalization is generally based in ethnic-racial criteria that justify their assignation to the most subordinated positions in labor hierarchies (Wolf, 1993).
Thus, secondary or enclave markets emerge as cheap force of labor is available favored by ethnic-migratory networks (Bailey & Waldinger, 1991;
Portes & Jensen, 1989;
Portes & Shafer;
2007). Herrera Lima (2005) argues that certain labor branches characterized by informality, low wages and the need of scarce qualification such as construction, agriculture, informal trade, apparel manufacturing and domestic / care services, among others, are segmented labor niches destined to recent immigrants. Thus, the “ethno-stratification” of the labor market (Pedone, 2010) or, in other words, the ethnicization of production relations, (Margulis et al., 1999) is produced.
The argument of this paper is that recent migration from Bolivia to Argentina has developed certain features of nowadays transnational labor migrations. We will focus our analysis in: the diversification of destines;
the concentration in the metropolitan areas;
the strengthening of migratory social networks;
the progressive feminization of the flow;
the insertion in labor niches destined for recent migrants such as agriculture, apparel manufacturing, informal trade, domestic and care services;
and, the bad working conditions.
2. Methodology This paper is based in the analysis of statistical data provided by National Census of Population 1980, 1991, 2001 and 20106 as well as the Complementary Survey of International Migrations 20037. Other researchers’ analyses have been also considered as well as registers of ethnographic field word that has been developed since 2006 in different metropolitan areas of Argentine.
3. Immigration in Argentina Immigration has been a significant component in the demographic dynamic of Argentina as well as in its social, economic and cultural life. Together with the United States and Brazil, it has been one of the most important receptors of transatlantic immigration between last-19th Century and mid-20th Century (Cerrutti, 2009). The flows of immigrants coming from adjacent countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have been relatively stable, oscillating between 2% and 2.9% between 1869 and 2001. So, while inter-continental immigration, specially the flow coming from Europe, has lost relevance since mid-20th Century, intra-continental immigrants kept on arriving to Argentina.
As Bologna (2010) and Cerrutti (2009) point out, though census of population are a good source of information because of their broad coverage and periodicity, the long lapse of 10 years between one another makes it difficult to study short tendencies and to get an updated picture of the population characteristics when they are analyzed at the end of the period. Immigrants are frequently sub represented, especially in the case of those whose migratory condition is not regularized. Besides, some of them can change their habitual residence several times and they might not be in the country of destine in the moment of the Census. Another difficult is due to the fact that data of National Census of Population 2010 has not been deeply processed yet so our analyses will lack of accuracy in some cases.
This survey aimed to capture the characteristics of some migratory flows in those areas where a greater amount of Latin American immigrants concentrate. It was carried out together with the National Census of Population 2001.
According to the National Census of Population 1991, immigrants coming from adjacent countries represented more than 50% of the total of the foreign population in Argentina.
CHART 1: International immigration to Argentina 1980- Total Argentine population Total native population Total immigrant population Total European immigrant population Total immigrant population coming from adjacent countries and Peru Total other immigrant population Source: National Census of Population 1980, 1991 and In the National Census of Population 2001, this proportion had increased to 60.2%, achieving 68.9% in the 2010’s one (Castillo & Gurrieri, 2012). So, there were 1.245.054 immigrants coming from adjacent countries among the 40.117. inhabitants of Argentina in 2010.
If immigrants coming from Peru are considered together with those coming from adjacent countries, they represented 77.6% of the foreign population in Argentina and the 3.5% of the total population in 2010. Among this group of immigrants, the most important collectivity was the Paraguayan and the second one was the Bolivian: 39% were Paraguayans (550.713) and 25% were Bolivians (345.272), being the latter approximately 0.86% of the total of inhabitants of Argentina8.
Source: National Census of Population There are two interesting facts regarding the flows coming from adjacent countries and Peru (Pacecca & Courtis, 2008;
2009 and Castillo & Gurrieri;
2012). The first is that their pattern of settlement was modified during the 1960s, progressively orienting to the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires. The other remarkable fact is the increasing feminization of these flows.
In the case of Bolivian immigrants, within the 1980s and 1990s their dispersion to different cities in Argentina such as Mendoza, Crdoba, Rosario and some located in Patagonia increased uninterruptedly, together with the diminish of their concentration in the adjacent provinces with Bolivia: Jujuy, Salta. At the same time, more than the third part of them concentrated in the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires.
The increasing flow of immigrants to Argentine was due to several causes.
On one hand, the important neoliberal policies that were undertaken in Bolivia in the mid 1980s provoked the closure of important mining companies that employed lots of people and caused a generalized crisis in the country. On the other hand, the incidence of long dated and strongly constituted migratory chains and networks encouraged Bolivian immigration. It was also important the incidence of the myth It must be said that the real amount is underestimated because of the limitations of the Census and the irregular migratory condition of many regional immigrants.
posing that there was a relatively better economic situation in Argentina, nevertheless neoliberal restructurings had also strongly impacted in its labor market9.
The flow of immigrants coming from Bolivia and other adjacent countries increased during the 1990s due to the overvaluation of Argentine money, among other factors. Bolivians inserted in some economic niches destined to recent immigrants that are informal, low paid, precarized and with very bad working conditions such as: construction, apparel manufacture, informal commerce, agriculture and domestic and care services. Nevertheless, some of them were able to achieve socio-economic mobility, being now entrepreneurs of agriculture and apparel manufacture ventures and tending to employ workers of their same nationality appealing to ethnic social networks, thus developing ethnic labor niches and reproducing inequalities and discriminative stereotypes.
4. Bolivian labor migration to Argentina nowadays: socio-demographic features 4.1. Geographical distribution There has been a progressive concentration of recent Bolivian immigrants in the City of Buenos Aires (the capital city of Argentina) probably because there is a better accessibility to job positions and a wider offer of public services. The preference for that City as a place of destine is remarkable among recent immigrants who arrived between 1990 and 2001 (Cerrutti, 2009).
According to the National Census of Population 2010, 42.8% of the total of Bolivian immigrants (345.272) lived in the City of Buenos Aires and 22.19% in the Province of Buenos Aires, while 14.53% lived in the adjacent provinces of Salta and Jujuy, 7.89% in the Province of Mendoza and 3.31% in the Province of Crdoba.