«М57 МИГРАЦИОННЫЕ МОСТЫ В ЕВРАЗИИ: Сборник докладов и материалов участников II международной научно-практической кон- ференции Регулируемая миграция – реальный путь сотрудничества ...»
Подобные примеры, к сожалению, имеют место в разных регионах России. Это свидетельствует о том, что до конца проблема незаконной трудовой миграции не решена окончательно. Важную роль в предотвращении незаконной миграции может оказать подписание межгосударственных соглашений между Россией и Турцией о регулировании трудовой миграции и предотвращении незаконной миграции. Подобный опыт наработан в отношениях России с различными странами мира. Двусторонние соглашения являются действенным инструментом регулирования трудовой миграции.
В некоторых российско-турецких документах миграция упоминается как важный процесс, имеющий определенные социально-экономические эффекты. Между тем, согласно данным Банка России объем денежных переводов от трудовых мигрантов из России в Турцию в 2005 г. составил 37 млн.
долларов США. Согласно данным Федеральной миграционной службы за период 1992-2005 г. около 900 выходцев из Турции стали «новыми» гражданами России, т.е. получили российское гражданство [3, c. 10]. В Совместной декларации об углублении дружбы и многопланового партнерства между Российской Федерацией и Турецкой Республикой (декабрь, 2004 г.) и Соглашении о сотрудничестве между Министерством внутренних дел Российской Федерации и Министерством внутренних дел Турецкой Республики (декабрь, 1992 г.) упоминается о проблемах, порождаемых миграцией. К сожалению, российско-турецкие миграционные отношения пока не охвачены специальными документами (протоколами, соглашениями) о регулировании трудовой миграции. Между тем, миграционные потоки между государствами увеличиваются. Не только турецкие работники приезжают в Россию, но и многие российские граждане работают и отдыхают в Турции. Подписание соглашений в области трудовой и незаконной миграции могло бы стать существенным прогрессивным шагом в отношениях между Россией и Турцией.
1. Мукомель В.И. Миграционная политика России: Постсоветские контексты/ Институт социологии РАН. – М.: Диполь-Т, 2005.
2. Рязанцев С.В. Трудовая миграция в странах СНГ и Балтии: тенденции, последствия, регулирование. – М.: Формула права, 2007.
3. Сборник информационных материалов для проведения экспертного исследования по определению масштабов незаконной иммиграции на территории Российской Федерации. – М.: Федеральная миграционная служба, 2006.
В ЛАТИНСКОЙ АМЕРИКЕ:
АКТУАЛЬНЫЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ ПОЛОЖЕНИЯ
И АДАПТАЦИИ МИГРАНТОВ
CONNECTING ROUTES: THE CASE OF PERUVIAN UNIVERSITY
STUDENTS IN BRAZILIntroduction As other countries in the Americas, Brazil had in imigration a very important part of its national identity (Seyferth,1996). Similar to countries like the USA and Argentina, inmigrants played a major role in the state-building process and socioeconomic formation of Brazil. Since the 19th century, inmigrants from Portugal, Spain, Italy, Germany, Poland, Switzerland crossed the Atlantic hoping to find in Brazil a better way to make a living. On the beginings of the 20th century, other nationalities joined the flow, such as japaneses and chineses. During these decades, brazilian government conducted a very selective inmigration policy, stimulating specific inmigrant profiles.
Since the middle of 20th century, Brazil has adopting a less active and a more reactive inmigration policy, responding to new flows of inmigrants from different countries, with a very diverse profile, like peruvian students. Peruvian migration to Brazil is part of this new character the inmigration in the country has assumed, as a destiny to people from non-european countries. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted with peruvians in Rio Janeiro, this paper analyzes the role of social networks in peruvian university student mobility to Brazil. Even when they come to this country by official exchange programs, linkages made by people themselves are fundamental to support their decision to go to Brazil as university students.
The unplanned destiny: the case of peruvian students in Brazil To understand the flow of university students from Peru to Brazil we must reflect on the several factors that influence this decision. Going abroad was historically an action undertaken by members of peruvian rural elites, who used to send their children to take undergraduate courses in the USA and Europe. The intention to send their children to achieve a degree from a foreign university was not only formal, but symbolic. More than having a High Education diploma, international students would connect these peruvians elites to world important cities, acquiring the status of being more comospolitan- and less provincial- than those who never left Peru or never had any family doing so. Despite most elite families expected their children to come back to Peru after graduation, some peruvian young people decided to extend their time abroad, sometimes coming back to Peru (Altamirano, 2000).
While members of rural elites usually went to countries like the USA and Spain, young people from middle classes also found in studying abroad an alternative to distinguish themselves from their compratriats who never could live an international experience. Although unable to afford the cost of going to the nothern, middle class and their children elaborated other strategies to participe on international flows and the symbolic resources this experience brings to them. This was the case o Antonio. In the beginning to the 60`s, he started his undergraduate career in the city of Cusco, south of Peru. He was studying Agronomy, but for his political activism, was finding it difficult to continue his course. One of his older brothers warned that Antonio could be persecuted by professors who disapproved his political position. Therefore, he suggested Antonio to complete his course in Brazil.
At that time, Antonio`s brother heard from a friend that Brazil offered scholarships1 to young people from neighboring countries to study in brazilian universities. Peruvians interested in this program had to apply on the brazilian embassy in Lima, the capital of Peru. Antonio searched this information and in the middle of the 60`s came to the Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ), as an international student. Antonio tells that, just like him, lots of other peruvians came to Brazil at the time he arrived. All of them had to go to Rio de Janeiro first and from there, were distributed to universities from several parts of Brazil.
The period Antonio came to Brazil going abroad as a university student was a more reachable possibility to member of peruvian elites. Also, the alternatives of moving from a country to another were significantly more limited and expensive than nowasdays. However, Antonio found an alternative to route to live an international experience. For him, Brazil was much more affordable than USA and Spain, for instance. The proximity between the two countries made the travel less expensive and complex. Antonio could travel by bus from his hometown Cusco to Rio de Janeiro. All of theses factors were summed to the fact that Antonio was not required to speak portuguese to apply for the scholarship, he liked the idea to live in warm and coastal city like Rio de Janeiro- in Peru, he used to live in the cold highlands of the Andes- and Brazil started to strongly invest public resources in developing national scientific production2.
The scholarship Antonio`s brother was mentioning were offered by Programa Estudante Convnio- Graduao (PEC-G). Created in 1965, this program offer scholarship to citizens from developing countries to conduct their undergraduate studied in a brazilian university. Students are required to be by 18 to 25 years, and are supposed to go back to their countries are graduation (MRE, 20012).
In the 50`s, two scientific development national agencies were created: CAPES e CNPQ (Rosa, 2008).
Antonio is a very interesting example of how people find alternatives to negotiate to possibilities and limits they face to fulfill their expectations. In his trajectory in Peru, he never had imagined to go to Brazil. However, his brother suggestion was widly evaluated, making Brazil a strategic destiny. Although Antonio was not the only peruvian who took this route, very little information on international student mobility in Brazil during the last decades of 20th century can be found. However, these are important years for brazilian science, when the government stimulated the development of national research centers, most of them located in public (federal and state) universities and invested in forming high qualified scientists, offering them scholarships to accomplish graduate degrees from the best universities worldwide (Rosa,2008). These factors made Brazil an reference in scientific field in South America and very attractive to south americans who pursued a undergraduate or graduate qualification.
However, it will be in the last years of the 90`s that the flow of peruvian university students to Brazil will consolidate. In the city of Rio de Janeiro, a very important year for this flow is 1996, when a group of around 20 peruvians arrived.
Altough they were spread out around different universities, these peruvians started building conection one to another, and some of them decided to continue to live in Rio de Janeiro after graduation. Most of them came to Brazil as undergraduate students, receiving one PEC-G scholarship. By the time they left Peru, they were young, some of under 18. Their family played a major role in their decision to study in Brazil, giving them financial and emotional support3. Luis Fernando, for instance, finished High School, by the age of 15, he started university in Peru. One day of that year, his father asked him: “why don`t you go to Brazil?”. Luis Fernando father had heard about PEC scholarship and thought it would be better for his son to have a degree from a foreign country.The severe economic crisis faced by Peru and the political heritage left by the terrorism were some of the motives why Luis Fernando`s father wanted him to be an international student. Also, both, Luis Fernando and his father, considered that, in Brazil, he could have a better education than that offered in Peru. In 1996, by the age of 16, Luis Fernando startes his Architecture major in Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ).
Unlike Luis Fernando, Enrique had always wanted to go abroad. Since he was a child, his father used to tell him he should spend some time out of Peru. His preference was for a socialist country like Russia. By the time Enrique finished High School, his father passed away and his family find that it would be hard to support him in a country too far from Peru. Despite of this fact, Enrique`s mother encouraged him to seek a scholarship to study abroad. Enrique searched for it in several foreign embassies in Peru and applied for some of them. The first scholarship he got was to Brazil. He was 17 years old when was sent to Rio de Janeiro to study Computer Science at Universidade Gama Filho.
Cristiana and Rodrigo also went to Rio de Janeiro by the end of the 90`s.
Both of them did not have a previous plan to leave Peru, but this idea arouse while To apply for a PEC-G scholarship, student family must prove financianal conditions to support the student in Brazil.
they could not find in Peru the undergraduate career they desired to follow:
Theater. Both of them tried to follow other careers in Peru before coming to Brazil.
Cristiana completed 2 years as a Law student and Rodrigo as a Communication Science major. Nevertheless, they felt that was not what they want for their future, thus, they started to search for Theater undergraduate courses out of Peru. Cristiana and Rodrigo are from Lima, the capital of Peru, and realized they had limited conditions to develop their career in their home country. Both of them met in Brazil but found they had a similar trajectory. They received a PEC-G scholarship and graduated from Theater in Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UniRio).
ConclusionFor peruvian students who came to Brazil up to the 90`s, taking this route was quite unsual and unkown. Before arriving in the country, some of them had heard about cases of other peruvians who were already in Brazil. These remote examples stimulated them to recognize Brazil as an alternative destiny to acquire a High Education degree and symbolic distiction. Despite brazilian government has launched the PEC-G scholarship in 1965, this is not a well-known program in Peru and most of its propaganda is done by PEC students themselves, their family and friends. In other words, even though PEC-G is an official program stableshed by brazilian government, it is not official agencies that attract new participants, but former participants themselves. These students play a very significant role in building conections between Brazil and Peru through their personal experiences, conections that brazilian and peruvian official organizations had been unable to build. While they are in Brazil, these peruvian university students invite friends to visit them in the foreign country, help the new-comers to find a place to live and share with them what they had already learnt about Brazil, disseminates among their networks new opportunities of research, scholarship, jobs, etc.
References:ALTAMIRANO, Teofilo. Liderezgo y organizaciones de peruanos en el exterior: cultura transnacionales e imaginrios sobre el desarrollo. Vol. 1. Lima: Pontifcia Universidad Catlica del Per, 2000.
. El Per y el Ecuador: Nuevos pases de emigracin. Trabalho apresentado na Conferencia Regional "Globalizacin, migracin y derechos humanos", organizada por el Programa Andino de Derechos Humanos, PADH. Quito – Ecuador. Septiembre 16, 17 y 18 de 2003. http://www.uasb.edu.ec/padh/revista7/articulos/ teofilo%20altamirano.htm#peruano. Acessado em 20 de novembro de 2011.
MAZZA, Dbora. Intercmbios acadmicos internacionais: bolsas CAPES, CNPQ e FAPESP. Cadernos de Pesquisa. v. 39, n.137, ago. 2009, p. 521-547.
MINISTRIO DAS RELAES EXTERIORES. Histrico do PEC-G. Ministrio das Relaes Exteriores. http://www.dce.mre.gov.br/PEC/G/ ProtocoloPEC-G.html. Acessado em 22 de Novembro de 2011.
MINISTRIO DAS RELAES EXTERIORES. Histrico do PEC-PG. Ministrio das Relaes Exteriores. http://www.dce.mre.gov.br/PEC/G/Protocolo PEC-PG.html. Acessado em 22 de Novembro de 2011.
ROSA, Leonardo O. B. Cooperao Acadmica Internacional: um estudo sobre a atuao da CAPES. Dissertao de Mestrado. Centro de Pesquisa e Ps-graduao sobre as Amricas. Instituto de Cincias Sociais, Braslia: 2008.
SEYFERTH, Giralda. Imigrao e (re)construo de identidades tnicas. In:
Cruzando Fronteiras Disciplinares: um panorama dos estudos migratrios. PVOA NETO, Helion, FERREIRA, Ademir Pacelli (orgs.).. Rio de Janeiro: Revan, 2005.
. Construindo a nao: hierarquias raciais e o papel do racismo na poltica de imigrao e colonizao. In: MOIR, M. C., SANTOS, R. V. (orgs.). Raa, Cincia e Sociedade. Rio de Janeiro. Fio Cruz/ CCBB, 1996.
BOLIVIAN IMMIGRATION IN RIO DE JANEIRO
AND SO PAULO1. Initial Remarks: Migratory Flows to Rio de Janeiro.
The entry of Bolivian immigrants in Rio de Janeiro could be seen from three different flows in time. The first one begun in the 50’s, when the revolutionary movement of MNR started, culminating in the People’s Revolution of 1952. The revolutionaries persecute members and admirers of the Falange Socialista Boliviana (FSB), a conservative group (considered the political right), and so they sought asylum in other countries. In this first migratory flow to Rio de Janeiro, most of the people were students and other members of the ruling classes, privileged group with sufficient resources for their livelihood.
The second flow started in the 60’s, including basically students for cultural interchange programs intending to start college courses in Rio, mainly Medical School, Odontology and Engineering.
The third and more recent flow, which continues nowadays, evolves artists, musicians and other liberal carriers, looking for better life conditions. Most of them use to work in Refineries, Oil Companies and some of them in Post-Graduation Programs.