«М57 МИГРАЦИОННЫЕ МОСТЫ В ЕВРАЗИИ: Сборник докладов и материалов участников II международной научно-практической кон- ференции Регулируемая миграция – реальный путь сотрудничества ...»
The above overview of migration theories indicates that although examining gender is critical, the theories have been indifferent to gender, even ignored and failed to incorporate gender in their explanations (Wright, 1995). This is due possibly to the later arrival of the feminist theories on gender and migration. Therefore the question "how can gender be incorporated into our understanding of migration?" remains obscured and only partially answered by the current theoretical explanations of migration. While it is necessary to correct the "invisibility" of gender in migration theories, there is a tendency that researchers tend to over-emphasize the migration experience of women, paying less attention to that of men in considering gender and migration. This would inadvertently undermine the gendered view of migration that helps explain the moving experiences of both women and men. To understand the social impact of migration on society, its dependence of and influence on gender relations have to be taken into account. Not only is the increasingly female group of migrants facing challenges by traditional patriarchal values, but the renegotiation of gender relations caused by the migration process, is also offering great chances to improve gender equality.
The argument that gender is an integral part of the migration process and that migration theories must incorporate it in consideration has influenced areas of migration research (Dang, 1998). For example, economic factors do not have a gender-neutral impact upon migration. The high demand for female labours in the contemporary labour market can be gender-specific, as seen in the increasing flows of domestic workers to urban centres in Asia. Migration is determined by household resources and decision-making structures, and also the gender-segmented labour markets available. The labour market in Vietnam has been transformed by the process of increased international integration, foreign investment and globalisation over the past decades. This transformation has had important gendered dimensions and migration impacts. In the next section, migration decision-making can be analysed from the gender lenses.
Gender and Migration Decision-Making: The case of Vietnam. Migration decision-making is referred to as a process in which one or more persons decide who will migrate, why and where to move. This process is seen primarily as an operation of gender relations within the household or the family. The current literature on migration in developing countries reveals that people, across developing nations characterized by different economic, political, and cultural conditions, have moved for economic reasons (Thadani and Todaro, 1984;
Massey et al., 1993;
Bilsborrow et al.,1993). This similarity might be explained by the common structural features of developing countries such as great labour surplus, few rural opportunities, and high levels of poverty, that push people to migrate for economic success and changes.
As a livelihood strategy, migration can be used by a household or a family to decide on whether migration will take place, who will migrate, what resources will be allocated to and invest in the migrant, what remittances can be expected to return, or whether the move will be short-term or permanent. All of these are guided by gender roles, social norms and power within the household involved. In many cases, both spouses can migrate. In Vietnam, both spouses can migrate, but they may not be living together at the places of destination. They maintain however economic and emotional links across different locations. This type of multi-locational households aims to maximize the economic returns of migration.
In fact, gender becomes central to the decision to migrate. Previous research findings in developing countries show that the decisive voice belongs to men, not women (Riley et al., 1995;
De Jong et al., 1981). Recent studies reveal that both men and women migrate for economic reasons, and whether or not men are more independent than women in migration decision-making would depend on the women’s age, marital status, and level of education (UN-ESCAP, 2009;
Donato et al. 2006). The combined effects of human and social capital on the decision to migrate demonstrate that migration decision-making is a gendered and complex process.
Regarding internal migration in Vietnam, the household strategy approach and the network theory may be most relevant to understand migration decision-making process. Decision to migrate is determined by household resources, gender roles and migrants’ marital status. The decision is also affected by gender-segregated labour markets which have been transformed by the country’s current process of increased integration and globalization. This transformation has had important gendered dimensions and migration impacts. Destinations of female migrants are predominantly urban areas within the country, and expand rapidly to other countries (GSO, 2006). This result might be explained by the high level of poverty and labour surplus at the areas of origin, and the active participation of women in the labour force in today’s Vietnam. Even though women were more likely than were men to move for family reasons, both Vietnamese women and men mainly moved for economic reasons (GSO, 2006).
However, migration in Vietnam may differ from that of other countries, in which different patterns of decision making for female and male migrants were found. In contrast to other countries Vietnamese, married women tend to have a voice in decision-making rather than mostly being deployed by others (Dang, 2005;
GSO, 2006). More specifically, they were likely to make the decision to move jointly with their husbands. Compared with their counterparts in other countries (Boyd, 1989;
Chant, 1992), this may be a result of the socialist ideology which encouraged equal gender rights and opportunities for women both at home and at work.
Like men, Vietnamese women could empower themselves with high level of education and money earned by their work in both state and private sectors.
Nonetheless, women do not have as many opportunities as do men due to (i) the obduracy of gender inequalities that shape people’s rights and obligation, and (ii) their reproductive roles and duties. Thus, even though women have gained opportunities and rights, they tend to have less power in migration decision-making than do men. A previous study showed, regardless of age and marital status, that Vietnamese men were more likely to be self-determining movers than were women, and that married women tended to be self-determining while single females tended to be directed to move by family members (Dang, 2000). Furthermore, Vietnamese people, both men and women, tend to rely strongly on their social networks, especially in the migration process, to ensure the successful outcome of moving. Due to the high costs of migration and great difficulties and many administrative barriers at the places of destination, social relations (kin or non-kin) have played important roles in assisting migrants in sharing information and integrating to the labour market (Dang, 1998;
The gap in today’s social security is often deepened by the lack of a working contract, low wages, long working hours and psychic pressure up to physical violence at work, lead to a lack of recreational activities and bad nutrition. These conditions support the prevalence of so-called “social evils”, such as drinking, gambling, prostitution, sexually transmitted diseases and domestic violence in areas with the involvement of many migrants. Moreover, the connection between these “social evils” and migration leads to stigmatization against migrants and migrant women in particular. While national laws and policies as well as international commitments are aiming at the protection of vulnerable groups and often migrants in particular, the stigmatization of migrants supports policies that are hostile to migration.
Concluding remarks. The current theories of migration often ignore and fail to incorporate gender in their explanations. Gender is in fact critical to migration. The present paper argues that gender is deeply embedded in determining who moves, how those moves take place, and the resulting future of migrants and their households. If migration theories can incorporate gender appropriately and effectively, they must take into account the subtle as well as the obvious factors that may create different experiences by gender all along the migration spectrum.
Further defining and understanding these will greatly enhance the theoretical grounding of migration in general and the individual experiences of male and female migrants in particular.
Until now, gender has mostly been seen in terms of reproduction. While it is taken for granted that migration mostly occurs in the search for a better income, reproduction is only being addressed in terms of population growth and its effects on areas such as city planning. The feminization of migration continues to pose common challenges, in demographic and gender terms, in Asia as well as in other regions. Bringing gender into migration would generate a number of questions:
“What is the social consequence of gender and migration?” “How is gender roles altered or reconstituted after migration?” “Do they increase their decision-making power, economic or otherwise, in households?”;
“Does migration influence power relations and decision-making between men and women?” “What happens to the women who are left behind?” “How do women's relationships to family members, including spouses, change with migration?” “How are women’s remittances used?” “Are remittances used to ameliorate women’s education?” Answering these questions would enable us to improve our understanding about gender and migration.
Equal value is still not given to women and men in migratory process.
Women are still not perceived as equal actors in migration and as equally important in being surveyed and counted. In Vietnam, female migrants are still disadvantaged in the labour market not only because of gender discrimination, but also because of their rural identities and outsider status as defined by the household registration system. It is necessary to carry out research on gender and migration to better mirror the current situation and to forecast, if possible, future gender impact of migration at different levels. In this regards, to collect gender-disaggregated data become extremely important.
Last but not least, people should migrate out of choice rather than from necessity or force. Migration is not only a means to look for economic opportunities elsewhere, but an end in itself to achieving a desirable and meaningful life. Migration, gender and development are interrelated in a connected world. International organizations should be active in mainstreaming gender in the discourse on migration and development. Non-governmental organizations, in collaboration with academics, need to assist migrants in trainings, networking, disseminating information, and supporting both males and females, to build their knowledge, improve their capacity and power for migration.
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МЕЖДУ РОССИЕЙ И ВЬЕТНАМОМ В КОНТЕКСТЕ
ДЕМОГРАФИЧЕСКОГО РАЗВИТИЯНаселение России с каждым годом уменьшается, а во Вьетнаме напротив – население увеличивается, примерно на миллион человек в год. Однако, темпы роста населения во Вьетнаме со временем снижаются (табл. 1).
Сравнение численности населения во Вьетнаме и России Во Вьетнаме проводится политика снижения рождаемости. Правительство приняло политику «плановая рождаемость», которая включает административные меры, воздействующие на сознание населения. Кроме того, финансовые и материальные затраты на воспитание и развитие ребенка растут.
В России, напротив, проводится политика, направленная на рост рождаемости.
Правительство кроме пропаганды еще и стимулирует денежными средствами рождение детей. Однако, пока прирост рождений незначителен. Чтобы ответить на этот вопрос можно вспомнить вьетнамскую пословицу: «Лучше дать человеку удочку, чем рыбу». Население во Вьетнаме будет расти ближайшие двадцать лет, но меньшими темпами. В России в ближайшее время, если численность населения не снизится, то увеличения его тоже не будет.
Вьетнамское правительство считает что, эмигранты – это неотделимая часть вьетнамской нации, поэтому оно создает все условия, чтобы вьетнамские соотечественники жили в любой стране мира, не забывая о своей родине.
Так, например, каждый вьетнамский новый год правительство организует встречи вьетнамцев, которые живут и работают, учатся за границей. Вьетнамцы, имеющие иностранный паспорт обладают правом приобретения дома или земельного участка во Вьетнаме и если хотят, могут оформить двойное гражданство. Государство разрешает выезжать из страны, всем, кто хочет жить, работать или учиться за границей. Неважно, какая у него была биография и на чьей стороне он воевал. Все, кто раньше не могли въезжать в родную страну, в силу военных и политических обстоятельств, сейчас могут свободно вернуться, чтобы навестить родственников и родину.
В настоящее время примерно 3,8 миллионов вьетнамцев живут, работают и учатся в 102 странах мира. Там организуются вьетнамские сообщества, целью которых является объединение народных масс, сохранение вьетнамских традиций и языка. Уважение законов и порядков в проживающей стране, помощь друг другу и родному государству, милосердие, а так же мирное сосуществование с местными жителями, все это является приоритетами вьетнамских сообществ, созданных в разных странах.